Pakistan resumes trade with India

Pakistan has lifted a nearly two-year ban on trade with India. Pakistan’s Economic Coordination Council (ECC), a top decision-making body, allowed the private sector to import 0.5 million tonnes of white sugar as Islamabad tries to keep soaring domestic prices in check.

Pakistan Finance Minister Hammad Azhar announced the decision after the ECC concluded. He also confirmed that Pakistan will also import cotton and cotton yarns from India.

“If opening trade with some country lessens burden on the pocket of an ordinary person, there is no harm in it,” Azhar told a news conference in Islamabad. “The price of sugar in our neighbour India is quite a bit lower than Pakistan.”

The trade is open until June 30 for local private sector to import the sugar while cotton and cotton yarns could be brought in by both the private companies and Pakistan’s government bodies.

India is the world’s biggest producer of cotton and the second biggest sugar producer. Exports to its neighbour will reduce surpluses that are weighing on its local markets, while helping Pakistan to lower soaring sugar prices.

Photo by Magda Ehlers on Pexels.com

The chairman of the Cotton Ginners Forum in Pakistan, Ishan-ul-Haque, said an unlimited import of cotton and yarn from India would affect the country’s agriculture and cotton industry. Given the expected arrival of the new cotton crop in June, he said there should be a limit on imports so price stability could be ensured.

Selling counterfeit and illegal cigarettes in Azad Kashmir

IoK Special Report

The Insight on Kashmir has learnt that there is a growing concern about the ongoing counterfeit cigarette trade in Azad Jammu and Kashmir. The residents report that the local cigarette manufacturing companies in major cities are taking the advantage of weak law enforcement policies and openly violating the tax laws. According to media reports, several local brands are growing as they are sold at a retail price lower than the legal minimum price of a pack of an established cigarette brand. The prices of cigarettes in all parts of the country including Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan are fixed by the federal government agencies of Pakistan.

The local cigarette brands print prices on cigarette packs and in newspaper advertisement as per the official rate but sell these cigarettes on different prices in the market. Euro-monitor International, a leading business intelligence company, in 2012 report also revealed that these local brands were evading taxes by selling below the legal minimum price.

The illicit tobacco trade has spread despite of the government’s pledge to tackle this issue. Global market research company Euro Monitor in their 2019 report confirmed that there was an increase in excise tax on cigarettes in 2018, reaffirming the government’s commitment to reducing smoking prevalence. For example, tier 1 priced products saw an increase in the Federal Excise Duty (FED) of 13%, while Tier 2 and Tier 3 saw increases of 4% and 46%, respectively.

During the review period, there were over 45 manufacturers selling approximately 145 cigarettes brands that evaded taxes and regulations, with local illicit brands available for as little as PKR15 per pack.
These low prices saw illicit trade take up an increasingly large share of overall sales of cigarettes, up until the introduction of the new tier 3 rate of Federal Excise Duty (FED) in late 2017.
In 2019 the federal government of Pakistan took the decision to impose a new health tax of PKR10 on each pack of 20 cigarettes in order to help generate funds for the country’s health sector, with this set to be included in the Finance Bill 2019. It was also agreed that the new Finance Bill would allocate funds to help tackle the illegal manufacturing and illicit trade of cigarettes in Pakistan.

Capstan By Pall Mall from Pakistan Tobacco Co remained the leading brand in cigarettes in retail volume terms in 2018. With an economy positioning the brand is primarily targeted at lower-income consumers.

Economy brands retained their lead in cigarettes in 2018, boosted by the introduction of the third tier of Federal Excise Duty (FED). Nevertheless, Pakistan Tobacco and Philip Morris continued to focus on their premium brands such as Benson & Hedges and Marlboro, respectively.

The introduction of a third tier of Federal Excise Duty (FED) gave a boost to Pakistan and Philip Morris with both players seeing gains in 2017 and 2018 at the expense of smaller players and illicit trade. Nevertheless, this is expected to be only a temporary boost, especially given the new government’s decision to remove the third tier of FED, coupled with a further increase in tier 1 and tier 2 FED.

It has been estimated that the cost of tax evasion from illicit cigarettes could be far worse in 2019-20. It is expected that the total revenue losses from such evasion could reach Rs 70+ billion,

According to the latest reports, Illegal cigarettes account for nearly 37% of total consumption in Pakistan. The illicit cigarettes share increased almost 6% in one year and there are multiple factors behind this increase. Data shows that the number of cigarettes smoked annually has not declined and is still the same at around 85 billion sticks which means the consumption won’t decrease until the illicit tobacco brands are not restricted from being sold in market.

A declining legitimate market share affects the commercial viability of legal cigarette manufacturing operations in the country. The State Bank of Pakistan (SBP), in its report, has also mentioned that cigarette production fell by 29.3 percent in first half of this fiscal year (FY20) compared to last year (FY19). The re-introduction of two-tier tax structure and continued competition from counterfeits and smuggled alternatives hindered the industry’s progress in first half FY20. In such scenario, the federal government may not be able to generate its targeted revenue, the SBP warned. According to industry experts, Consumers buy illegal cigarettes because, by evading both excise and sales taxes, they are much more affordable than legal, tax-paid alternatives. By evading these levies, the illicit trade is depriving the government of much-needed revenue.

According to World Health Organization, Weak governance/lack of high-level commitment, Ineffective customs and excise administration, Corruption and complicity of cigarette manufacturers, Presence of informal sectors/distribution channels and Population perceptions and social economic status are enabling factors of illicit trade in tobacco. WHO says that globally ability of administrations to effectively tackle illicit trade in many countries is hampered by lack of commitment by high-level officials and if we see the case of Pakistan then it will be easy to understand that many local tobacco manufactures involved in illegal trade are parliamentarians.

The alarming concern in Kashmir’s Pir Panjal

By Jaffer Latief Najar//

“Our generations will surely beg on streets and curse us on our graves, if we remained silent and divided. This is not an issue of religion or jobs anymore; this is an issue of our indigenous identity and culture”.

https://f65007p1rqcy8yedsob4talzcm.hop.clickbank.net/

This is the article I have been waiting for years that gives a complete and broader view of the region beyond “Kasmir”. There is more in the entire state than the “Kashmir”. The neglect of the rest of the parts of the state other than the Valley by all the players in the game does complete injustice to the peoples comprising of multiple identities. My congratulations to the writer unfolding the realities that hitherto have been never exposed to the rest of the world, including within India and Pakistan. Promod Puri 

However it is historically a distinct and important regional entity, comprising diverse culture, languages, traditions, religions and ethnic clans and tribes. When British Empire created the geographic boundaries of Kashmir, the then East India Company brought Kashmir Valley, Plains of Jammu, Ladakh, Gilgit, Baltistan and Poonch together as a new state and placed Poonch as its suzerainty. The Poonch during that period comprised of Pir Panjal mountainous range including the larger portion of contemporary Azad Kashmir. But after the United Nations’ Ceasefire in January 1949 to end war between India and Pakistan, it was the Poonch state of Pir Panjal region that predominantly suffered and was partitioned into two territorial pieces. One piece remained within India’s control while other merged within the control of Azad Kashmir. The new domicile law that India recently imposed in Kashmir hence impacts the Pir Panjal region under Indian dominion of Kashmir, rather than that of Azad Kashmir’s State. The then Poonch region of Pir Panjal is now administratively divided into Rajouri and Poonch districts by India, and is attached with Jammu Province, after the creation of Line of Control (LOC) between India and Pakistan. The districts of Rajouri and Poonch in Indian administrative Kashmir is now largely connotated as Pir Panjal region. Thus, in the forthcoming part of this article, my reference to Pir Panjal region is largely focused on these two districts.

Revisiting a brief history Briefly, Pir Panjal region, which includes the entire areas of the then Poonch jagir (state/principality), was a part of Kashmir’s Kingdom when a renowned Chinese traveller Huein Tsang visited in 630 AD. It remained part of Kashmir’s Kingdom until 1596, under the Sultan in Kashmir valley. But after the fall of Kashmir’s’ Kingdom and during the sultanate of Mughal empire, the local governance was managed by the series of local Muslim Kings (jagirs). Most prominent and known among them was the jagir of Raja Rustam Khan (1760-1787). The region remained the Jagirs of local Muslim kings for 700 years. Later, the jagir of Poonch became the subject of Maharaja Ranjit Singh when his forces attacked and made Poonch as his dominion under the control of Prime Minister Raja Dhian Singh.

The Muslim kings of jagir of Pir Panjal subsequently lost their governance after the treaty of Amritsar on 16th of March 1846. The rule of Maharaja (King) in erstwhile Jammu and Kashmir remained forceful in the Poonch Jagir until 1947. People of Pir Panjal (The then Poonch) had actively and historically joined Maharaja’s military, but always remained a distinct linguistic and cultural identity. Pir Panjal’s language and culture never got subdued in Dogra’s culture of Maharaja, although it got slightly attraction of valley’s culture due to its religious proximity, trade and being part of Kashmir’s Kingdom in the past. In spite of distinct identity and culture, the emerging religious communal tensions during the partition of British India, the rise of Hindu right wing group Praja Parishad that was gaining sympathies from Maharaja and then the massacre of Muslims in Jammu, triggered resistance and rebellion among the people of the then Poonch, which later resulted into the partial liberation of Poonch from Maharaja’s rule. It later led to the formation of Azad Government under the leadership of Sardar Ibrahim Khan, which eventually merged into entire Azad Kashmir’s control.

The other part, which didn’t achieve merger with Azad Kashmir’s government is the present day Pir Panjal region, comprises of Rajouri and Poonch district. And it always remained a victim of cross LOC tensions impacting lives of local residents and increasing their vulnerabilities. Shift of Centre of Power When East India Company created this state of Jammu and Kashmir, the then Poonch became it suzerainty. It had its own centre of power and its 700 years long local governance by Muslim Kings yet hold the leadership and contemporary dynamics of power relations. But after the United Nations’ Ceasefire and creation of Line of Control, it was predominantly the region of Pir Panjal (the then Poonch) that was divided politically, territorially, and suffered the imbalance of power. Once an independent Muslim dominated jagir that was governed by its indigenous Muslim Kings and connected with the city of Mirpur for trade along with valley of Kashmir, it (the Indian side of current Pir Panjal) was attached with the then least connected Dogra dominated Jammu city and Province. Jammu Province now largely consists of Hindu population and political discourse due to demographic changes after the massacre of Muslims in Jammu and communal partition of British India. The current Pir Panjal region, a Muslim populated region, thus merged under the control of Hindu dominated Jammu Province.

The series of these historical events shifted the centre of Power and political discourses from Pir Panjal to Jammu city, whereas Pir Panjal became a periphery- an undermined identity with whom no one wished to engage. Perhaps, one of the reasons is that Pir Panjal’s’ elite, intellectual, educated, economic and politically empowered section moved to its other part of Azad Kashmir and hence it lost a deserved representation, resources and political space in discourses of Kashmir, after the United Nations’ ceasefire in 1949. Pawn of ethnic and communal tensions When Sheikh Abdullah was rising in Srinagar against Maharaja’s dominion, it was his contemporary Choudhary Ghulam Abbas who had popular support in Jammu and Pir Panjal. But after the ceasefire and creation of Line of Control, Choudhary Ghulam Abbas moved to other part of LOC. Sheikh Abdullah intended to fulfil this vacuum of leadership and inspired an idea of ‘Greater Kashmir’ with an intention to assimilate this Muslim dominated region of Pir Panjal with that of Kashmir valley in the late 1970s. But to limit the power of Sheikh Abdullah’s Srinagar, Indra Gandhi’s New Delhi introduced a divisive strategy and new arithmetic that calculated that Dogras and Gujjars can outnumber the ethnic Kashmiris of the valley since the latter remained consistent for their aspiration for Azadi (Freedom from India).

Researchers also argues, Gujjars Muslims (especially of Pir Panjal) were cultivated by New Delhi as counterweight to Kashmiri Muslims by offering structural amenities and elite positions. This strategy of ethnic divide also worked and was further deepened to create a drift within the Muslims of Pir Panjal when the intracommunity conflicts and tensions were groomed between Muslim Pahari and Muslim Gujjar tribes. This intracommunity and intratribal tension within Muslims of Pir Panjal thus helped to retain the dominance of Hindu Dogra Jammu over Pir Panjal region and to retain the power centre at Jammu rather than shifting discourses and resources back to Pir Panjal. While, on the other, it appears that these intra ethnic divides worked well for New Delhi to keep the control on increasing proximity of Pir Panjal with that of Valley’s religious brotherhood or a tap on seeds of Abdullah’s idea of Greater Kashmir, although his party National Conference still has a considerable hold and vote share in Pir Panjal region. This identity divide and intercommunity conflicts are also seeded further with divisive politics of religious communal tensions. If I present the divisive events in a chronological manner, firstly the divide of Pir Panjal and Valley emerged, it was then followed by the divide of intracommunity Pahari and Gujjars, and later the intrareligious tensions between Muslims and Hindus started happening eventually. Such communal tension certainly displays the creation of drift within the broader political identity and weakened the power and political representation and aspirations of entire Pir Panjal region. Indeed this drift is possibly benefitting those who grabs the political dominance and power as well as weakens any future potential rebellion that happened in 1947 and took portion of Pir Panjal to other side of LOC. A rebellion in Pir Panjal can cost more loss to the claims and politics of Jammu and New Delhi than that of separatist sentiments in the Valley. But, significantly, such pattern of political development indicates that Pir Panjal became a sufferer that has been appropriated as a pawn in the game of powers, political aspirations and discourses in Kashmir. But there are also mistakes by people of Pir Panjal to remain divisive and ignorant of their strength and certainly the onus now lies on the people of Pir Panjal itself to reclaim, reflect, strategize and make allies of mutual benefits. Indigenous demography at Stake: A Concern and Emerging Risk The brief look over the series of events and intention in the past has shown that Pir Panjal region, once an identity and influence of its own with tolerance of diversity, is structurally, socially and politically divided and diminishing. It has become further complicated and weak after the abrogation of article 370 and the enactment of new law that took the statehood of Kashmir. As vulnerable to hegemony of Jammu and political distancing with Muslims of Kashmir, the people of Pir Panjal are trapped in a hard road ahead.

The youth, educated class, professionals and elders of this regions, irrespective of their class, tribe and clan, are now concerned about the demographic change or increasing communal tensions due to new domicile law that is seen of having potential to repeat Jammu Massacre’s type repression. For People of Pir Panjal, the major emerging concern is that the monster of demographic change might start from their region and then will tilt towards the Muslims of valley. Pir Panjal already has considerable amount of Hindu population and just a minor shift of population change in domiciles has potential to make the Muslims of Pir Panjal as a minority on their own land. And as their internal conflicts have already weakened the communities, the changing role of Jammu can significantly facilitate that demographic transition along with machineries of ultra-Hindu right wing government from New Delhi. Pir Panjal would then be complete dominion of Jammu representing a Hindu majority sentiments. Perhaps, this is what my childhood friend was attempting to indicate about his concern of losing identity of Pir Panjal and its loosing distinct culture. As pointed in earlier sections, the Poonch rebellion in the history was a triggering point that led the division of Kashmir and formation of Azad Kashmir state. If repressive events are repeated in Pir Panjal, it has similar potential to encourage more armed resistance and hence would increase further violence. But, on the other, the current weakening state of affairs has made it hard for people of Pir Panjal to either resist repression through aggressive politics or stay constantly as a losing pawn of the system.

However, this is the time when People of Pir Panjal are alarmed to predict potential future consequences and re-strategizing its politics before any type of violence further harms them. The emergent discourse for People of Pir Panjal is thus indicating a demand for collective and non-violent response to their concerns and a need of making allies of mutual benefits, rather than deepening their divisive politics.

About the author:

Jaffer Latief Najar works as a researcher at International Institute of Social Studies (ISS) in The Hague, Netherlands. He has a book on community relations with a focus on Pir Panjal region into his credit. He can be reached on Twitter or LinkedIn

Source SAJ : http://southasiajournal.net/the-alarming-concern-in-kashmirs-pir-panjal/

20 Years after Kargil; India, Pakistan miles away from ground realities

//Mazhar Iqbal//

Over 20 years have passed after the Kargil war, yet, both India and Pakistan are miles away from ground realities in Jammu and Kashmir. There is no evidence that could suggest both these countries have learned any lessons after the Kargil adventure also known as a misadventure. They have chosen to stick to their guns and take a stubborn approach to let each other down in Kashmir. In fact, this approach of frustrating each other’s efforts on Kashmir has no link with the ground realities of the conflict zone.

Two decades ago, Pakistan was ruled by a civilian government led by former Primer Minister Nawaz Sharif. Yet, the de-facto rulers of the country were powerful military commanders. They backed an infiltration on the Line of Control (LoC) in disputed Jammu and Kashmir that led both countries to an undeclared war. India was headed by Prime Minister Vajpayee and both countries were far from reaching at a common ground to settle the Kashmir issue. In reality, the 1998-nuclear tests had put them on a greater risk of further alienation on Kashmir.

As there was a heightened sense of gaining absolute military power in the region. This perpetual muscle flexing policy has never brought any good to the people of Kashmir. There was a need for an international mediation on Kashmir in 1998/99. The need of a global approach on Kashmir is still there in 2019.

In fact, there is little progress on international mediation efforts towards settling Kashmir. None of these two countries can proudly face any international forum where they could say that a forward progress has been made in last two decades. In reality, they have moved back and taken steps that have been damaging not only for the people of the state of Jammu and Kashmir but also for both countries.

There is no real intention to solve the issue politically and diplomatically. This statement is true on both sides. The steps Pakistan has been taking on Kashmir in last 20 years mainly served more of its own interests than the people of Kashmir. For instance, keeping the electorate and military on their side has been the policy of political leaders of all those parties that took turns in the government. The political leaders and political parties from Pakistan administered Kashmir have no say in mainstream politics of Pakistan.

In national politics they are almost invisible and unnoticeable. They are rarely taken on board when making decisions of national politics in Pakistan. Due to the so-called separate legislative status given to AJK Legislative assembly, the people of Azad Kashmir have no say in decision making in Islamabad. So, the responsibility of devising and guarding the state policy of finding ways and means of diplomatic and political solution of Kashmir issue mainly stays within the corridors of the federal government. Now, how much that policy have been successful? At least, people in Jammu and Kashmir have not reaped the fruit of this policy.

The damages to Kashmir are not limited to lack of will towards political solution. The Indian held Kashmir has been facing a spate of home grown insurgency that has led the terror-hit state into a situation where India took the decision of the abrogation of Article 370. Ever since the rise of BJP and RSS in India Muslims in general and Kashmiris in particular have been targeted of a state run policy of hatred. So, there is no intent to deliver on Kashmir politically or diplomatically, at least in Modi’s India. After two months of lock down in Kashmir valley, Indian government has indicated that any future political setup in the state would be either controlled by the Centre or a BJP backed government based in Srinagar. Modi government has decided to remove even those rights of the people of Jammu & Kashmir that they had secured even before the partition of India.

On other side of the fence, Pakistan’s rulers have still got a sensational approach to deal with the issue. They are more than convinced that Kargil was a right option towards any solution to Kashmir issue and India should not forget what the lesson taught to them in the Kargil war. The people of Jammu and Kashmir question the legitimacy of such a rhetorical approach towards solving the issue. They have witnessed that violence breeds violence and it has no end. The level of frustration and alienation has gone up ever since the events of Kargil. In fact, neither the politicians, nor the military have acknowledged the bitter reality of growing feelings of alienation and mistrust in Pakistan administered Kashmir.

The authorities are now routinely facing angry mobs either threatening to cross the Line of Control or putting demands of an independent Kashmir. The more recent spate of protests have been sparked by events in other side of the state. Ever since the abrogation of Article 370 by India, Pakistani authorities have blocked various attempts by activists from pro independence parties to cross the Line of Control.

Last Saturday, the activists from the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) began the march from southern districts of Mirpur and Bhimber and after two days they reached at Line of Control (LoC) near Chakothi in Muzaffarabad region. There were various attempts at national and local level to stop these protesters to violate the cease-fire line. Yet, they are adamant to cross it and show their commitment to Kashmir cause.

In fact, both India and Pakistan are far from resolving the Kashmir conundrum. Pakistan, by not listening to independence voices in Azad Kashmir is in danger of facing a larger rebellion from Kashmiris as growing frustration can be seen and observed in recent protests. On the other side, India by revoking Kashmir’s special status, has further alienated Kashmiris from the rest of India.

University of Cambridge : Debate on Jammu and Kashmir

On 26th October 1947, Maharaja Hari Singh, the last ruler of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir signed the Instrument of Accession to India.

72 years later, and in our second event of the Michaelmas term, we raise the motion “This House believes that Jammu and Kashmir is now Occupied Territory.”

This is in light of the ongoing lockdown in Kashmir and the summary revocation of Articles 370 & 35A, which provided special status to Jammu and Kashmir.

This will be a British Parliamentary style debate with three proposition and three opposition speakers. If you are interested in speaking, please write to cambfirec@gmail.com.

Hundreds of U.S. Academics Urge India to Lift Kashmir Blackout, Grant Kashmiris right to self-determination

September 25, 2019: Over 450 academics in wide-ranging fields from across the United States are calling on India to immediately lift the communication blackout and siege imposed in Kashmir and grant Kashmiris the right to self-determination.

In a letter, professors, researchers and scientists demanded the Indian government cease the communications blackout in Jammu and Kashmir, release detainees, and allow journalists to report freely. The signatories hail from Harvard, Stanford, Yale, Princeton, Columbia, Cornell, Georgetown and Brown universities as well Colorado, Indiana, Oklahoma and Rutgers, among many others.

Prominent names signing the letter include Cornel West, professor of practice at Harvard Divinity School and the Department of African and African American Studies; Juan Cole, history professor at University of Michigan; Michael Rothberg, 1939 Society Samuel Goetz Chair in Holocaust Studies, UCLA; Hatem Bazian, Director of the Islamophobia Studies Center at UC-Berkeley; Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Distinguished Professor, Syracuse University; David Palumbo-Liu, Professor of Comparative Literature, Standford University; James C. Scott, Professor of Political Science and Anthropology, Yale University; John Esposito, Professor of International Affairs at Georgetown University; Rabab Abdulhadi, Professor Arab and Muslim Ethnicities and Diasporas, San Francisco State University and Noura Erakat at Rutgers University. 

The letter denounces the Indian government’s suppression of the Kashmiri population, and its deployment of tens of thousands more troops, in what the academics cite as “one of the largest military occupations on the globe.”

“As people of conscience who are committed to the principles of freedom, dignity and justice, we refuse to remain silent as India—which touts itself as the international community’s largest democracy—continues its assault on due process, freedom of thought and expression, freedom of assembly, and freedom of the press,” the letter notes.

The letter was sent the United Nations Human Rights Council during its 42nd session in Geneva, Switzerland. The full text of the letter is available here.

Other academics signing the letter come from nearly a dozen countries, including India, U.K., South Africa, Hong Kong, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Singapore, Germany, U.A.E, Turkey, Canada and Qatar.

More than 7 million people in Kashmir have been under siege for almost 50 days. On the evening of August 4, 2019, the Indian government disconnected telephone and internet services, shut down local media, restricted the movement of residents, arrested and detained at least 3,000 people and militarized entire neighborhoods. 

The academics join a growing number of voices speaking out on Kashmir. American politicians, including Bernie SandersBeto O’ RourkeRep. Ilhan OmarRep. Andy LevinRep. Ted Lieu, Rep. Rashid Tlaib and Rep Don Beyer issued statements expressing concern about the situation in Kashmir. Chairman of the House Subcommittee on Asia, Brad Sherman, also recently announced an upcoming Congressional hearing that will address human rights violations in Kashmir. 

Stand with Kashmir is a Kashmiri diaspora-led international solidarity movement that seeks to end the Indian occupation and support the right to self-determination for the people of Kashmir.


FOR FURTHER INFORMATION AND/OR INTERVIEWS: 

Contact: media@standwithkashmir.org

For Uighur exiles, Kashmir is heaven

A second and third generation far removed from their Chinese homeland find a home in Jammu and Kashmir.
Mohammad Abdullah and his family estimate that fewer than 30 Uighur families still live in India [Sunaina Kumar
Srinagar, Indian-administered Kashmir.; On a wintry November morning in Srinagar, the largest city in Indian-administered Kashmir, Mohammad Abdullah sits on the carpeted floor in his living room, with a black and white portrait of his father, Haji Abdullah Karem, hanging on the waMy father was among the last Silk Route traders, says Abdullah. Karem, an ethnic Uighur Muslim from the Chinese province of Xinjiang, would undertake the perilous mountainous route that stretches from Kashgar to Ladakh through the Karakoram mountain pass that divides.
Abdullah says his forefathers had trekked the same route, travelling in caravans on top of horses and double-humped camels, stopping at the sarais – resting stations for travellers – on the way, bartering silk, spices and pashmina fine cashmere wool.

One such journey to Ladakh in the 1940s would turn fateful when Karem could not return home after the People’s Republic of China took over Xinjiang in 1949. The Communist government blocked the mountain pass, eventually choking off trade.

Karem had left behind a wife and a young son whom he would never see again, said Abdullah, adding that his father lived out the rest of his life in India, married a local Ladakhi woman and fathered four sons and four daughters.
Abdullah, 60, who works for the regional government, lives with his family members in the Rajbagh area of Srinagar, which has remained untouched by the months of deadly anti-India protests that gripped the Muslim-majority Himalayan region.

A cluster of identical houses built in the traditional Kashmiri style with low-hanging roofs and a wooden exterior is occupied by his brothers and extended family.”

In 2014, a devastating flood ravaged Srinagar. Their house, along with others, was not spared. The deluge swept away precious memories, but they managed to save Karem’s original passport issued by the Republic of China, along with a woollen Khotan traditional rug and a copper vessel used by the caravan on the Silk Road to cook mantou steamed dumplings, both of which have been in the family’s possessions for nearly two centuries.

Of all his brothers and sisters, Abdullah is the one the most in touch with his Uighur heritage. For most of the family, it was a matter of surprise that their Uighur heritage could evoke curiosity.
“In our hearts we are as Indian as can be. Although, we would really like to visit Xinjiang once to see our ancestral land,” says Abdullah’s son, 32-year-old Wasim. He spends part of the year in Leh, where he is building a resort, and part of it in Srinagar.
But with renewed hostility between India and China and the crackdown on Uighurs in Xinjiang, there is little possibility of procuring a visa, though both sides of the family have been trying for a few years.

Seven years ago, Abdullah made his first visit to Hotan in Xinjiang to meet his half-brother.

Abdullah’s dialect is a mix of Urdu, Ladakhi and Kashmiri, with a sprinkling of Uighur words that trace their origin to the Turkish language. Before visiting his brother, he worked on learning the language he inherited from his father and he thinks that he is now one of the only two Uighur language speakers in India.
<“All the people that I met in Xinjiang wanted the freedom we have in India. The sort of protests we see in Kashmir would not be possible there at all. Most of the Uighur community is disengaged from both the Kashmiri separatist movement and the Uighur cause. As second and third generation Uighurs who have grown up in India, the Uighur cause is too far removed, and as refugees who found a home here, they are non-critical of the state. Abdullah though, has taken up the cause of three Uighur men who have been held in jail in Ladakh after crossing over illegally into India three years ago. “They landed without a visa, with the hope of reaching Mumbai to meet [Bollywood star] Shah Rukh Khan and become rich like Indian movie stars,” says Abdullah shaking his head, his expression a blend of amusement and concern. The Uighur community in India is not large and mostly second and third generation citizens whose parents or grandparents came here as refugees. Those who spoke with Al Jazeera estimate that there are less than 30 families located mainly in Leh, Kargil and Srinagar. >For most people, even in Kashmir, it is a revelation that people of Uighur origin live in India at all, as they are often mistaken for people from Ladakh or Tibet with similar facial features.

;”>”Kashmir has a long history of trans-Himalayan migration, because of its connection to the Silk Route,” said Abid Ahmed, editor at the cultural institution, Jammu and Kashmir Academy of Art, Culture and Languages, in Srinagar. The best documented of these migrations is that of the Tibetan Muslims of Srinagar, who settled in Kashmir after the 1959 Tibetan uprising.

The Uighurs came in two waves. In the first, they came through trade and cultural exchanges between India and China. Most Uighurs, who came during the 1930s and 1940s, were traders and stayed behind in India after China clamped down on independence movements from the province.

Mohammad Rahim, 58, works as a construction contractor in Srinagar and Leh, the capital of Ladakh. His father Haji Abdul Rahim was from the Uighur town of Karghilik and settled in India in the 1940s.

Rahim’s mother is from Ladakh and he himself has married a Ladakhi. “I try to keep the Uighur culture alive for my children, but it is not easy,” he says, with a tiny shrug.

He acknowledges a sense of loss. “The only thing we have preserved is the Uighur food which we eat on special occasions, laghman [pulled noodles] and polo [rice pilaf].”
An Uighur feast is prepared at the home of Mohammad Abdullah.
The second wave of nearly 1,000 Uighur refugees arrived in India to escape the communist regime in 1949.
The Indian government initially hosted them, but after increasing pressure from Beijing, refused to provide them with asylum.
American politician and diplomat Adlai Stevenson visits Uighur refugees at Yarkand Sarai in Srinagar in 1951. On the left, Isa Yusuf Alptekin, political leader who fled the communist regime and settled in India for a few years with a group of Uighur exiles [Photo courtesy of Erkin Altekin]
They appealed to Saudi Arabia and Egypt first, each of which turned them away, until they found refuge in Turkey.
Erkin Alptekin, a Uighur nationalist and the son of Isa Yusuf Alptekin, who was 10 years old at the time, recalls the flight to India.
“It was a hard trip. There were no streets. The highest mountain passages in the world are here. Sometimes you had to sit for hours in the snow and wait for the fog to dissolve,” he told Al Jazeera in an email.
<“We were warned not to fall asleep, because the body loses heat and then one dies.” ;”>The journey took them nearly a month and a half, during which his sister succumbed to frostbite.
“When we met human civilisation in Ladakh, in Kashmir, we thought as children that we were in paradise on earth,” said Alptekin, who currently lives in Germany, where he runs World Uyghur Congress, an organisation of exiled Uighurs and is one of the most well-known activists for Uighur independence.
Alptekin’s family found a temporary home at Yarkand Sarai, in Srinagar – once a rest house and an international trading hub for traders from Central Asia – Yarkand, Samarkand, Kazakhstan, Bukhara – and Gilgit which is located in Pakistan. So popular was the trading route that Central Asian people are still widely referred to as Yarkandi in Kashmir.

The sarai, which local historians date to the late 19th century, had been lying desolate following the end of the Silk Route trade until it became the home of the political exiles of 1949.

“When we arrived in Srinagar, there were a couple of older Uighur families already living in that area,” said Alptekin, who visited Yarkand Sarai again last year.

The ramshackle exterior of Yarkand Sarai, a closed set of buildings with small houses that overlook the River Jhelum in downtown Srinagar, gives no evidence of its storied past as a flourishing centre.

Across the street on a small patch of land sheltered under a shrine, sits a graveyard where the Uighur people of Srinagar are buried.

Abdul Hakim’s family is one of the two Uighur families still living near the cemetery. His father, who was from Karghilik, traded in carpets and settled in Kashmir in the 1940s.

He, too, had a family from which he was separated across the border. He talked over the phone from Ladakh where he was visiting his relatives. “I heard from my mother that he had two children there and a wife and brothers and sisters and he could never meet any of them again,” says Hakim, who works with the state police department.

Carpets in Jammu-Kashmir

GirlandWorld

The exquisite and exotic carpets of Jammu & Kashmir are world famous. Thousands of local artisans are involved into carpet making and the carpet making factories are one of the most important industries of Jammu & Kashmir. These carpets called as Kalin are not only the major part of Jammu & Kashmiri home furnishing but also an integral part of local culture. The handcrafted or machine weaved carpets are exclusively designed and synonymous to the identity of Jammu & Kashmir. There are 800 carpet factories alone in Bari Brahmana area of Jammu. There’s lot of issues regarding child labourers in carpet factories but as unemployment is also very prominent in this region so these carpet factories also provide them mode of livelihood. Here are some of the clicks from my recent visit to the Shalimar Carpet Industries Bari Brahmana in Jammu & Kashmir.

Carpets in Jammu Kashmir

The Jammu & Kashmir Carpets…

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Kashmir China Relationships

M.Ashraf – Srinagar (Daily Greater Kashmir) Presently, the China Pakistan Economic Corridor is the hot news. The project is being implemented by China and Pakistan at an accelerated pace. Work in full swing started on it in 2015 after an agreement was signed between China and Pakistan to link the warm waters of the Arabian Sea to China and Central Asia. CPEC projects will provide China with an alternate route for energy supplies, as well as a new route by which Western China can conduct trade. Pakistan stands to gain due to upgrade of infrastructure and introduction of a reliable energy supply. It is said that the plans for the corridor date back to 1950 and motivated the construction of Karakoram Highway in 1959. The CPEC was formalised on November 13, 2016 when the first Chinese convoy carrying 250 containers arrived in Gwadar for export to Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, the UAE and the EU. The Chinese exports via Malacca Straits have not only been lengthy but also subject to risk due to the problems in the area. The new corridor is a big boon for Chinese from all angles. It will also allow the Central Asian countries to have an alternate route. Pakistan will have a tremendous impact in every possible way including abundance of energy from which it has been suffering.

In fact, the development of this economic activity would be a boon for the entire South Asian region. One would have expected that India which from the time of Pandit Nehru has been trying to lead South Asia for development would welcome the setting up of this economic zone. On the contrary, the Indian side has been feeling uncomfortable with the setting up of this economic corridor. Unfortunately, they have been facilitating the re-colonisation of the country by the western powers especially, the Americans through a corporate culture. There is still time to take a bold initiative and offer to join this important economic activity which could sort out the age old political problems facing the sub-continent. Ironically, all the earlier Indian supporters including Russia are keen to join the corridor.

The most important constituent of the corridor is the road and rail link that would be passing through Gilgit-Baltistan which has been part of the erstwhile state of Jammu & Kashmir. Interestingly, Kashmir getting a connection to this link which has in fact been the historical route of trade between Kashmir and China till 1947 would be a big boon to the otherwise physically and politically isolated Kashmir Valley. The traders from Yarqand, Kashgar and other places used to come regularly to Kashmir with their long lines of Bactrian camels. The Zoji La route was the famous caravan route for trade with the Central Asia and China including Yarqand, Kashgar, and Sinkiang and so on. The Hajis from Yarqand used to go to Makkah through Kashmir. There was a Sarai of Yarqandis in Safakadal known as Kak Sarai where one could see lines of Bactrian camels (Double Humped) which used to come from Yarqand and other places.  In fact, a large number of refugees from the Chinese Revolution in 1949 came from Sinkiang and Yarqand to Kashmir. They ultimately migrated to Turkey and other places. Some remained here. This route was a small branch of the historically famous Silk Route.

Incidentally, Kashmir has had strong relationship with China in the past. The Annals of Tang dynasty of China know Lalitaditya-Muktapida under the name of Mu-to-pi, as the King of Kashmir who sent an embassy to the Chinese court during the reign of Emperor Hiuen-tsung (AD 713-755). The main purpose of the embassy had been to seek alliance of the Chinese rulers against Tibet. Ambassador U-li-to whom Mu-to-pi had sent to the imperial court distinctly claimed for his master repeated victories over Tibetans. The auxiliary Chinese force of two hundred thousand men which the Kashmir King invited to his country and for which he proposed to establish a camp on the shores of Mahapadma or Volur Lake, was meant for further operations against the common foe. There is evidence that the Tibetans had established a powerful empire at that time and had threatened both Kashmir as well as China. As there is no evidence of any Bhautta invasion of Kashmir, one must assume that Lalitaditya’s expeditions towards north were real and lasting and checked the Tibetan march towards Kashmir. Lalitaditya had also subdued Kashmir’s immediate northern neighbours, the Dards. The Dard tribes have from very early times to the present day inhabited the mountain territories immediately adjoining Kashmir to the north and north-west. The very safety of the valley has many times necessitated expeditions against these areas.

As has been opined by many experts, the setting up of this corridor which passes through a part of Kashmir may ultimately help in resolving this age old problem and bring peace not only to the valley but the entire sub-continent. The example of the European countries shows that it is ultimately the economic considerations which take precedence. If after fighting two destructive world wars all these countries finally came together to form the European Union, why can’t India and Pakistan which too have fought a number of wars come together to ameliorate their economically backward masses? We did fight the colonialists and got rid of them but they came back as neo-colonialists through various economic handles with local collaboration. Those people instead of ameliorating our economically weak status created discord and disputes and supplied us weapons to fight each other. This helped them keep their own economies running at our cost. It is time for a rethink if we want to survive and progress. Kashmir could become a free trade zone for the Corridor and practically take on the role of Switzerland through those destructive wars. Let there be an open debate on the subject.

Source: http://www.greaterkashmir.com/news/opinion/kashmir-china-relationship/245004.html

A study of cultural routes of Jammu region

A study of cultural routes of Jammu region is an interesting article written by Poonam Chaudhary. The article is taken as an abstract from a conference Paper titled “A study of cultural routes of Jammu Region”, which was read in 15th ICOMOS General Assembly and International Symposium. The Symposium was related to ‘Monuments and sites in their setting – conserving cultural heritage in changing townscapes and landscapes’. The original article is without sub-headings.

Origin of Cultural and Commercial Intercourse

It is a well-known fact that cultural and commercial intercourse existed between India and China since ancient times. It may however be noted here that Kashmir, the northernmost state of India played a major role in this commercial intercourse. We also know that for external trade Kashmir was connected to central Asia via the silk route.

Saffron export to China

The commodities like saffron, kutha (herb used for medicinal purposes), etc were in great demand in China . We have ample of references to prove that saffron was exported from Kashmir to China during third century B.C. and that Chinese monks used large quantities of saffron in the rituals connected with their daily worship. Similar demand existed for Kutha. The trade with China was thus to some extent responsible for the flourishing economy of ancient Kashmir. However, the intercourse between China and Kashmir was not only commercial but cultural influences too flowed via the silk route. Hieun tsang , the celebrated Chinese pilgrim is said to have visited the valley in 633A.D.to study Buddhism .Later Fahien and Itsing , the Chinese pilgrims came to India to know more about Buddhism. Hence, the importance of this study cannot be underestimated. The trade and salt routes played an important role in stabilizing the economy of Jammu and kasmir state since ancient times. The routes acted not only as the channels for trade and commerce but also contributed in te promotion of culture and learning.
Kashmir, the summer capital of the state of Jammu and Kashmir evolved as a cultural and intellectual center from ancient times and continued to be so at least till after the Mughal era, and it’s an atmosphere, which still pervades today. Jammu, the winter capital of the state too basked in the same atmosphere. It would not be wrong to mention here that the state of Jammu and Kashmir in ancient times comprised not only the provinces of present day Jammu and Kashmir but also the regions like Bimber, Sialkot, Mirpur, Kotli, Muzzafrabad, etc, which are now under POK jurisdiction. It may also be noted here that the region was so located that through out its history it remained strategically as well as economically very important, as through the region passed the main routes of cultural and commercial intercourse.

Internal and External Trade Routes of Kashmir

Kashmir since ancient times had flourishing trade based economy and hence was very well connected for external as well as internal trade. For external trade Kashmir was connected to Central Asia via the Silk route and with the western world through sea/ riverine routes. Similarly for internal trade Kashmir was connected with the rest of Indian sub- continent through various land routes, which passed through different areas of the State, thereby enhancing the trade potentials of these areas. Entire trade of the area was possible only because of the network of routes and which resulted in an expansion of commercial and cultural exchanges between Kashmir, China, Tibet, etc on one hand and on the other with rest of India. It was because of the lucrative trade that the entire region, comprising the modern state of Jammu and Kashmir, flourished. These routes, which traversed the entire region of Jammu and Kashmir, acted as channels for transporting not only commercial commodities but also religious and cultural influences of the neighbouring areas into the region.

Cultural heritage of Kashmir

Looking at the population of the state on can easily have the glimpse of the cultural fusion, which took place in the areas along theses routes. One important example of this is the concentration of the Sikh community along these trade routes in the area of Poonch. Similarly we have people who call themselves Mughals and trace their descent from them. A study of the cultural fusion which took place on these routes is an important part of the intangible heritage and is an interesting study.