Pakistan’s currency has been plummeting against the US dollar and the delay in the release of a crucial $1.17 billion installment from the International Monetary Fund to Islamabad has also added to the existing economic crisis.
Bloomberg which is a leader in providing market data from around the world through its branded analytical tools and various platforms has recently published a list of those countries that are most at risk of default in 2022. Unfortunately, Pakistan is also included in this list. The title of the said report itself tells the stories of the failures of economically weak countries and their poor economies. The list is based on four indicators namely government bond yields of any country, credit default risk situation, interest payment ratio to GDP ratio, and government debt to GDP ratio. According to the latest research, with a 15 % interest rate, Pakistan’s government bond yield has recently been calculated as performing at the lowest levels.
which means that this bond is in a more dangerous situation than before.
A country’s government bond yields start to cause trouble for its central bank when it has to readjust interest rates abnormally to protect its currency.
We have also seen how the Pakistani currency has nosedived in recent weeks.
According to economic analysts, former prime minister Imran Khan’s government ignored the complexities of financial issues. The previous Pakistan government gave unlimited powers to the State Bank to play havoc with interest rates. If the PML-N government is calling the aggressive decisions of Imran Khan’s government the root cause of Pakistan’s economic problems, then there may be a lot of truth in it. Because Pakistan’s economic problems, like many other economies around the world, were further aggravated by the pandemic and the war situation in Ukraine. Some analysts are comparing Pakistan with Sri Lanka. Before making a comparative assessment of Sri Lanka and Pakistan, we have to examine the objective economic conditions of both countries. One of the major reasons for Sri Lanka’s complete economic and political collapse has been attributed to its financial sovereignty being caught in China’s ‘debt trap’. To some extent, this revelation should be an eye-opener for Pakistan, because China certainly has its share in the economic crisis that Pakistan is heading towards. It is worth noting that Pakistan in the Imran Khan era had started thinking of aggressive economic policies in the context of its traditional friendship with China. This strategic economic policy change was linked to the change slogan of Prime Minister Imran Khan in 2018. The capitalist and tax-based financial systems and institutions in the Western World were skeptical that Imran Khan’s tenure as prime minister would complicate the repayment of international debt. During his tenure, the political arrogance of the PTI government was on one side, while the economic woes of the country were rising on the other side. As a result of Pakistan’s economic urgency, the former government was forced to establish contacts with Beijing to seek assistance. Many major economic analysts have been analyzing the economic situation of Pakistan and comparing it with the major crisis in Sri Lanka. Like Sri Lanka, Pakistan is facing problems of a most expensive external debt, high inflation, an increase in unemployment, and a shortage of food and medicine. For most governments in Pakistan, economic and political deterioration is a legacy problem. However, the present political leadership of the country is showing appalling negligence in ignoring these issues. The recent political mess created by PML-N after the results of the Punjab by-elections was a self-destructive exercise. The country does not afford instability at this critical juncture. Imran Khan’s PTI party has won the by-elections leading to widespread speculation in the media that this could be the political resurrection of Imran Khan and his possible return as Prime Minister of Pakistan. Imran Khan’s big wins in Punjab have come from seats where PTI’s defected member had earlier been disqualified. Therefore, it can be said that PTI has retained its already strong constituencies. So the PTI has nothing to show that it has expanded its political base. PTI’s foreign policy was badly muddled by both Imran Khan’s own predictions about China and the controversial statements of his far-sighted Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi. While both of them put Pakistan firmly in China’s orbit and Pakistan was starting to look ahead with the fascinating concepts of the Islamic bloc comprising Pakistan, Turkey, Malaysia, etc. In fact, Pakistan was geopolitically aligning itself with countries that were clearly hostile to the US controlling the global financial institutions. There was a clear indication that the US did not trust Pakistan during Imran Khan’s regime. This was realized by Pakistan when Saudi Arabia showed its changed side by putting a soft corner for PM Imran Khan aside. When he went to Jeddah with a bail-out request, the powerful bloc of Arab monarchies led by Saudi Arabia urged him to clearly express his political and economic policy towards Saudia’s rival countries. As soon as the features of the policy were revealed, the creditor countries led by the United States began to tighten their grip. On the other hand, Pakistan was also struggling to get out of the sanctions of the FATF. It is a universally acknowledged reality that if the countries providing the most expensive loans do not have access to the economic policies of the countries receiving the loans, the creditors will not offer a soft ground. Keeping in view the internal political dynamics of Pakistan the results of the recent by-elections are alarming for many creditors. They can see that the political mood is in the favour of the return of Imran Khan to the center. This clearly means that the political access of the bloc of creditor countries and especially the United States to Pakistan may be in jeopardy. Currently, international organizations are trying to estimate the minimum time it would take for Pakistan’s economy to recover under the current political conditions. If we look at the overall political mood of the country, it may be even more difficult to predict the timespan for economic recovery after the return of Prime Minister Imran Khan. Pakistan can avoid going down the path of economic and political disintegration of Sri Lanka. The country will need to ensure political stability in the shortest possible time.
The writer can be contacted via Twitter @MIMazhar.
Karot Hydropower Project (KHP), the first hydroelectricity project under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), is a $1.7 billion venture.
Karot hydropower station, the first along CPEC, put into commercial operation in Pakistan
Karot Power Company (Pvt) Limited (KPCL) was formed on 31 July 2010.
The company acts as a special purpose vehicle (SPV) and is responsible for executing 720MW Karot Hydropower Project. The ground-breaking was held on January 10, 2016, whereas the construction of the project commenced on 1st December 2016.
With an installed capacity of 7,200 megawatts, it can provide over three billion kilowatt-hours of clean energy each year, supplying electricity to about five million people in the country.
The Layout of the Karot Hydropower Project
As a single power generation task hydropower complex, the project’s structure layout includes a rock fill dam, spillway, powerhouse, diversion tunnels, and headrace tunnels.
Location:
The Karot Hydropower Project is located on the Jhelum River near Karot Village 74 km upstream of Mangla Dam.
The Project site is accessible through Islamabad-Kahuta-Kotli Road approximately 29 kilometers from Kahuta village and 80 kilometers from Islamabad.
Location of the Karot Hydropower Project
Karot Hydropower project is located in an area that is administratively under the control of the governments of the province of Punjab and Azad Jammu and Kashmir.
Figure 6- Aerial View of the construction site of the Karot Hydropower Project
Financiers
The investment for this project has come from the private sector. The Karot hydropower project is part of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor.
The project is jointly funded by the International Finance Corporation, China’s Silk Road Fund, Export-Import Bank of China, and China Development Bank.
The main sponsor of the Karot hydropower Project is China Three Gorges South Asia Investment Limited (CSIAL), which is an investment arm of China Three Gorges Corporation (CTG) in South Asia.
The CTG Corporation is a state-owned initiative with $18.3 billion in the capital. The corporation is strategically positioned to become a clean energy conglomerate specializing in large-scaled hydropower plant development and operations.
Advisors
Mott MacDonald is a UK-based consultancy firm and was appointed as the lenders’ technical, environmental and social advisor.[i] The consultancy firm provided technical support and strategic analysis to the project’s financiers.
They also reviewed the scheme’s design, change orders and variations, and disbursement applications.
The consultancy also assisted with the implementation of environmental and social management plans of the Karot Hydropower Project and advised on compliance with relevant standards and regulatory requirements.
The road distance from Islamabad to Karot Hydropower Dam
Mott MacDonald was also responsible to offer construction monitoring services covering technical, environmental, and social matters.
Mott MacDonald is the technical, environmental, and social advisor of the lenders of the Karot Hydropower Project
The civil works and E & M works were handed over to two separate contractors. The Engineering and Construction Contract was given to the Three Gorges Economy Development Company (TGDC). Whereas, the Equipment Supply Contract was with China Machinery & Electric Company (CMEC).
Aerial View of the site of the Hydropower dam
Health & Safety
From a health and safety point of view, the KPCL achieved remarkable goals including the least number of causalities in the entire hydropower construction sector of Pakistan.
Despite huge structures involving high-risk activities, the project reported no fatal accidents. The project fully complied with the health and safety requirements, environmental and social laws and regulations of Pakistan, CTG’s, CTGI’s HSSE standards, IFC Performance Standards, and good international industry practices.
The Karot Hydropower Project is structurally an asphalt core rock-fill dam of 95.5 m in height.
The powerhouse has an average annual electricity output of 3,206 million kWh, and annual utilization hours of 4,452h.[iii]
It includes a surface powerhouse, four headrace tunnels, diversion tunnels, a spillway, reservoir storage of 164.50 million cubic meters, and an approximately 5km long 500kV transmission interconnection to the national grid.
The dam site controls the drainage area of 26,700km2; having a long-term average runoff of 819m3/s and a long-term average annual runoff of 25.83 billion m3.
The project is a single power generation task hydropower complex, with a reservoir’s Full Water Level (FWL) of 461m, and reservoir storage at FWL of 152 million m3.
The cement used for the construction was produced locally. They tried very hard to control temperature rise, and reduce cracks in the concrete.
The project was built in the private sector under a Build-Own-Operate Transfer (BOOT) basis with an expected concession period of approximately 35 years, which includes the construction period of 5 years and the operation period of 30 years.
Karot Hydropower Project will play a key role in helping address the shortfall in generation capacity by creating a long-term, sustainable power supply.
Karot Power Company Limited will run and maintain the project for 30 years at a tariff of 7.57 cents per unit. At that juncture, it will be transferred to the Punjab government at a notional price of Rs1.00. So the consumers in Pakistan will get cheaper electricity from this eco-friendly project.
The contractors of the Karot project ensured that maximum employment opportunities were offered to local people.
On average, the Karot project hired more than 3300 Pakistani workers.
Out of the total Pakistani workers, 57% were hired from project districts i.e. Rawalpindi in Punjab, Kotli, and Sudhnoti in AJ&K.
This was distributed as 42% from Pakistan and 58% from AJ&K. However, during the month of September 2019 (peak activity) the workforce at Karot was about 4000, and 62% was from project districts.
The labor statistics related to the adjacent areas of the Karot project are given below;
During the land acquisition process, KPCL paid an attractive amount to those families that were affected.
The company also gifted them new plots in nearby and considerably high-value areas. The KPCL also ran financial literacy program to equip the local people with financial acumen on utilization of the compensation amounts.
Additionally, many of them were also offered employment support in terms of preparing applications for the advertised vacancies in the project.
There is no doubt that the Karot Project brought prosperity to the people of the local area as well as people from far-off areas of Punjab and AJ&K.
KPCL also arranged skills training for affected community members at a technical training center in Kahuta.
Investing in hydropower energy projects to empower economically disadvantaged communities supports the idea of socially responsible investment.
It also aims to mutually benefit the investors and the communities served.
Pakistan Administered Jammu & Kashmir (commonly known as Azad Jammu and Kashmir or AJ & K) lies along the northeastern region of Pakistan.
It is an emerging tourism hot spot that offers attractive investment opportunities to both foreign and local investors.
The region has a huge potential to provide safe and profitable investment opportunities in the clean and renewable energy sector.
The presence of Chinese construction companies in this region is due to China’s strategic involvement in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
The BRI is a global infrastructure development strategy adopted by the Chinese government to invest in many countries and international organizations.
As a flagship project of the China-proposed Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) has helped Pakistan to boost its energy and transport infrastructure.
The Chinese firms in AJ&K
China has helped Pakistan to build a number of coal-fired, wind, and photovoltaic power stations under the CPEC.
[i]Chinese firms are assisting Pakistan to increase energy generation capability through backing financially and building power plants.
However, only a few of the CPEC energy projects include hydropower as the coal projects make up about 69 percent of planned energy schemes.
The remaining are from renewables, mostly hydropower, with smaller portions of wind and solar.[ii]
Renewable and sustainable energy is an area where Azad Jammu and Kashmir offer attractive investment opportunities.
Renewable Energy
The International Energy Agency (IEA) recommends policies that enhance the reliability, affordability, and sustainability of energy.
It includes renewables, energy efficiency, clean energy technologies, electricity systems and markets, access to energy, demand-side management, and much more.[iii]
The International Hydropower Association (IHA)[iv] considers that renewable hydropower is a reliable, versatile, and low-cost source of clean electricity generation and responsible water management.
Sophisticated hydropower plants are helping to fast-track the clean energy transition.
They are particularly good at providing increased volumes of power, storage, flexibility, and climate mitigation services.
Pakistan has 60,000 MW of hydropower potential in the country, of which only 7,320 MW has been developed.[v]
Pakistan’s unexploited hydropower potential largely lies in the northern regions including Gilgit-Baltistan and Azad Jammu & Kashmir.
The European Union has recently unveiled a €300 billion ($340 billion) alternative to China’s Belt and Road initiative claiming it to be the harbinger of the clean energy revolution in the world.
Against this backdrop, China’s thrust for clean energy infrastructure projects in the BRI- linked countries is highly likely to attract further push in the near future.
The Hydropower
Rising prices, shortages, cuts, and scarcity of fuel and energy are constant headaches to the people of poorer regions.
Also, energy poverty is at alarming levels in the regions such as Azad Jammu and Kashmir.
It is defined as “a lack of adequate, affordable, reliable, quality, safe and environmentally sound energy”.
Currently, hydropower is the world’s largest source of renewable electricity. It is estimated that hydropower could produce up to 6,000 terawatt-hours by 2050. This will be approximately twice as much hydropower generation as today.
China is fast progressing in transition to renewable sources of energy as it has hugely increased the installed capacity of hydropower, wind power, solar power, and biomass power plants.
Hydropower represents the largest share of renewable electricity production. [vi]Electrical energy from hydropower is obtained from turbines.
These are driven by flowing water in rivers, with or without man-made dams forming reservoirs.
The Layout of the Karot Hydropower Project
Figure 1: The layout of the Karot hydropower plant
Hydropower’s storage capacity and fast response characteristics are especially valuable to meet sudden fluctuations in electricity demand and to match supply from less flexible electricity sources and variable renewable sources, such as solar photovoltaic (PV) and wind power.
The International Finance Corporation (IFC, 2021a)[vii] mentions that hydropower is beneficial for the following reasons:
It is a renewable energy resource that can contribute to sustainable development by generating cheap energy.
It reduces reliance on fossil fuels that carry the risks of price volatility, supply uncertainty, and foreign currency requirements.
Hydroelectric systems can offer multiple benefits.
This includes water storage for drinking, cleaning, and irrigation purposes, drought-preparedness, flood control protection, aquaculture, recreational sports facilities, etc.
It can allow more renewables such as wind and solar to be added to the system.
Hydro Power Potential in AJ&K
The hydropower energy generation in AJ&K can contribute to the economic development and social uplift of the communities.
It can help not only the residents by providing discounted energy but also entire Pakistan to redress its energy deficit by adding more energy to the national grid.
The following table shows the potential of the hydropower sector in this region.
Type of the Hydropower Projects
No.
Commissioned
22
Ongoing
14
Upcoming
59
Total
95
Figure 2: Hydropower Potential in AJ&K, Source AJ&K official portal
[iii] IEA (2021) The IEA works with governments and industry to shape a secure and sustainable energy future for all (available online) https://www.iea.org/about/mission (Accessed 20 Nov 2021)
The Islamic finance industry is shy to make a candid reference to Islam for the fear of being labeled as a manifestation of fundamentalism
After six decades of a one-step-forward and two-step-backward journey, the 1.3 trillion dollars global Islamic finance industry is still shy to make a candid reference to Islam or Sharia for the fear of being labeled as a manifestation of fundamental Islam.
In Pakistan- where the 98pc of government business is still based on interest-based transactions, the most influential Federal Sharia Court holds only one hearing in four years on the most important case about switching the country over to Islamic finance mode.
In Indonesia, also known as the most celebrated home of Islamic Finance, despite a born-again career approach in which every 15 candidates out of 50 would refuse to take a job in a conventional interest-bearing bank, the market share of Islamic finance is still 7%.
In the UK, despite much-trumpeted government backing, the Islamic banking sector is still far from tapping the huge market. The first UK Islamic bank Al-Barakara International was opened in 1982.
Ahmad El-Najjar was the first Muslim economist who pioneered the formation of the Islamic Banking system by setting up a small Savings Bank in Egypt in 1963.
Contrary to conventional practices of the mainstream banking industry, he invested in a business model that was based on profit-sharing between the bank and the investors (savers).
The business model of Ahmad El-Najjar was unconventional. He was neither charging interest nor paying it in his transactions simply because of a basic moral point.
Despite openly declaring them as unIslamic, he considered that interest (particularly the compound interest) bearing financial solutions were against the norms of social justice.
He invested the depositors’ money mostly by engaging in trade and industry, directly or in partnership with others, and shared the profits with depositors.
The El-Najjar banking strategy, after an evolutionary process, has found ways of cooperating rather than challenging the conventional approach toward the creation of wealth by conventional and well-established lenders.
However, despite the huge potential of making a real positive global change in the financial systems, the Islamic Finance industry is still not finding a comfortable way to collaborate and partner with the capitalist economy.
Azad Kashmiris generally and Poonchis particularly do not hesitate to give a protest call on any matter that has a public influence. We have an army of activists and social mobilizers in every corner of the tiny state.
Last month, we saw a clamoring coverage of the bizarre tackling of protesters, campaigners, and social activists in Rawalakot city.
The dramatic handling of a tiny protest over a local road project hugely tarnished the face of the administration.
Now, as I see the temper of people protesting in multiple Azad Kashmir cities against the ruthless hike in prices of wheat and flour, I have memory flashes of people taking similar strike actions against the hike in bread prices in Sudan a couple of years ago.
The protestors in Khaigala on the outskirts of Rawalakot- after a daylong show of public power – have given the deadline of 21st December to the government to launch a larger protest campaign if their demands are not met.
Are we going to offer another opportunity to news-hungry local and international media for an insane coverage of another rowdy control of the protestors in multiple smaller cities of Azad Kashmir? Things can get worse if they are not tackled professionally and responsibly. How?
Around 20 people died during one of the deadliest clashes over fuel and bread prices in Khartoum in December 2018. Comparable strike action was taken recently by the residents of Abuja- the capital of Nigeria, where people were protesting against the increased scarcity of bread.
The strike action in Nigerian Capital in September 2020 hugely affected the lives and livelihood of thousands of people who were relying on bread as a breakfast staple.
Azad Kashmir has no comparison with Easter or Western African nations. Yet, the issues of food scarcity or shortage of enough supply of staple food in almost all poverty-stricken countries are causing civil unrest at an exponential level.
After maize corn and rice, wheat is the third largest staple in the world and it constitutes a 15 percent share of global caloric intake from all sources.
Pakistan’s average daily per capita consumption of wheat flour is 240gm. Pakistanis are a wheat-producing nation; yet, the total yield is not enough for the population.
Additionally, the wheat crop suffers huge losses due to wastage, spoilage, storage, transportation, and processing.
The local media in Azad Kashmir reported on Wednesday that the government of Azad Jammu and Kashmir was involved in profiteering over wheat prices.
The total wheat requirement of Azad Kashmir is 300,000 tons per annum, whereas the government purchased only 139,000 tons in June 2020 leaving options for government officials to manipulate the price mechanism.
The government however is blaming the private sellers for the upward flight in flour prices ultimately putting pressure on government stocks.
Are the rulers waiting for violent clashes in Azad Kashmir? Khaigala is located on the periphery of picturesque Banjosa –famous for its picnic resort and tourist attractions.
The historic town of Khaigala serves as a meeting point for the people of numerous small and large villages in the Rawalakot and Sudhnoti regions.
The community here has a rich sense of belonging to a place of natural and scenic beauty.
Against this backdrop, showcasing their area as a focus of an unruly and uncivilized herd would be the last thing that they would like to choose. Rather, they would love to be remembered as residents and friends of a place of heavenly attraction.
In past, the rural communities around the Banjosa natural resort have been campaigning for the uplift of this area.
Unsurprisingly, they are taking strike action against the exponential hike in the price of wheat flour as their patience has run down.
The residents of smaller cities have been protesting against the unbelievable rise in flour prices for the last few months.
The price correction is not regulated by the government here.
This leaves a huge space for marketers, hoarders, shopkeepers, dealers, and flour-mill owners to manipulate the prices for their own benefit.
The clashes over a price hike in commodities in the poorest countries of the world have some links with the overall security situation. But it should not be the case for countries and regions where the security establishments are the most powerful and controlling the economy. The unusual price hike in food commodities in Nigeria has numerous reasons, mainly the rising insecurity and inflation of 14.9 % in November 2020.
Life was never a bed of roses for hardworking but self-sufficient people of the remote areas of Azad Kashmir.
However, despite all the hard work, the majority of people rarely have the luck of earning more than their actual needs.
The Coronavirus pandemic has already impacted heavily on their livelihoods and the economy has multiple other sour points. Yet, people are resilient and adamant to overcome hardships as usual.
For most families, the most compelling need that comes after food is the education of children.
What we see on daily basis is the unimaginable difficulties in ensuring the continuity of education of children in the wake of rising prices of food and other commodities.
Azad Kashmiris are among millions of others in Pakistan that are facing the menace of food security in recent years. The food-related inflation in Pakistan is much higher than the general inflation rate.
According to the latest figures from the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, the cost of food has risen up to 23 % in rural areas.
Almost one year ago inflation was recorded at a nine-year high at 14.6%. The government says over 75 million people will be reaching the poverty line in Pakistan by the end of 2020.
When Imran Khan-led PTI took over the helms of governmental affairs in August 2018, the flour crisis was brewing but it came to the surface in January 2020. Onwards, we have seen a blame game between the government, flour mills & the distributors.
The highest public sector body in Pakistan to manage the public stock of wheat is the Pakistan Agricultural Storage and Services Corporation (PASSCO) which ensures the provision of food security at the national level by maintaining strategic reserves of wheat and other specified commodities. PASSCO also maintains the Saarc Food Bank reserve stock in Pakistan.
The history of tax collection in Kashmir is not just thought-provoking; it is a symbolic account of an immoral, brutal, and corrupt revenue collection system that was built hundreds of years ago, and is still functioning in various forms.
The princely state of Jammu and Kashmir came into existence in March 1846 with the signing of the Treaty of Amritsar between the East India Company and the Dogra Raja of Jammu.
The British established their control over the political and economic administration of the state by posting their officials.
In fact, after setting up the residency in 1885, the British directly intervened in the running of the tax and revenue affairs of the princely state.
Before the arrival of the Dogra’s, the people of Kashmir had witnessed various rulers and dynasties as well as undergone numerous phases of state formation and revenue generation.
The practice of land grants to a few families in exchange for loyalty and support continued through the centuries.
The rulers generated resources by levying several taxes besides collecting land revenue from cultivators.
Details about the volume of land revenue collected are not available for the early medieval period.
The current revenue collection system in Kashmir evolved as early as the Mughal period in Kashmir.
To maintain economic and political stability in the state, Emperor Akbar sent a five-member team in 1589 to formulate the pattern of land revenue assessment and to determine the nature and volume of the collection.
Thus, a detailed report about the nature of the land, its classification, production, and appropriation was prepared.
Several revenue collection departments, officials, and agencies established by Mughal emperors about 300 years ago still exist in all parts of modern Kashmir.
For instance, this was the Mughal era when revenue administration was thoroughly reorganized by with the creation of positions such as patwari, tahsildar, amil, fotedar, munsif, qanungo, Chaudhry, dewan, and others.
In today’s revenue collection systems, patwaris and tehsildars work amicably with the database administrators, and there exists no conflict of interest.
The interest of all official revenue collection agencies in Kashmir was linked with the state exchequer in times of Maharaja and it continues to serve the state governments on both sides of the Line of Control today.
Hundreds of years ago, the revenue generation in Kashmir was based on activities related to agriculture, village manufacturing, and wood carving, weaving of woolen cloth, basket making, papier machie, silver and copper work, shawl and carpet making, leather furs.
And the land taxes, both in kind and cash, formed a vital component of the revenue.
After the Mughal period, the Afghan, Sikh, and Dogra rulers retained with minor variations, the practice of land grants and the old system of revenue generation.
Jagirdars imposed various levies and taxes on the farmers as several corrupt practices entered the administration of revenue collection.
In the Sikh rulers’ time, the land was considered the property of the ruler called Khalisa, which was partly given out as grants jagirs and partly assigned to cultivators every year in proportion to the strength of the family.
In times of the Maharajas, Pandits, Sayyids, and Pirzadas charged taxes to people on behalf of the rulers.
During British rule, the advocacy of grain trade and the shift towards payment of land taxes in cash led to far-reaching changes in the economy.
References:
Waltraud Ernst and Biswamoy Pati, Ed. Routledge Studies in the Modern History of Asia, India’s Princely States. People, princes and colonialism, Routledge, 2007
2. Siddiqi, Norman Ahmad. Land revenue administration under the Mughals, 1700-1750. Published for the Centre of Advanced Study, Dept. of History, Aligarh Muslim University [by] Asia Pub. House, 1970.
Insight on Kashmir 